Natural Rights, Consent of the Governed, and the Moral Case for Liberty
“Can the liberties of a nation be secure when we have removed a conviction that these liberties are the gift of God?”
— Thomas Jefferson
Before there was a Constitution, before there were political parties or a Supreme Court, there was a simple but radical statement: “All men are created equal.” The Declaration of Independence, signed in 1776, was more than just a list of grievances against King George III. It was a clear articulation of first principles—truths that would define the American experiment.
And we’ve forgotten them.
Natural Rights: Not Granted, but Recognized
Jefferson didn’t claim that governments give us rights. He said our rights exist before government—and that governments are formed to secure them. Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness weren’t policy goals. They were birthrights. And to the men who signed the Declaration, these rights were not negotiable.
That’s the foundation: Rights don’t come from kings. They don’t come from Congress. They don’t even come from the Constitution. They come from the Creator, and they belong to us by virtue of simply being human.
This truth has been so diluted in modern America that many now believe their “rights” are whatever a court or politician says they are. But if rights can be given by man, they can be taken away just as easily. The Founders knew better—and we must too.
Consent of the Governed: Power from the Bottom Up
Another forgotten principle is that legitimate power flows upward, not downward. The Declaration makes clear that governments derive “their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Not from tradition. Not from coercion. Not from unelected agencies or activist judges.
That means when government operates without our consent—by bypassing laws, silencing dissent, or ignoring constitutional limits—it becomes illegitimate. That wasn’t just a throwaway line in 1776. It was justification for revolution.
Today, consent has been replaced with compliance. Citizens are told to accept mandates, executive orders, and regulatory overreach as normal. But a free people don’t exist to serve the government. The government exists to serve the people. That principle isn’t outdated—it’s been abandoned.
The Moral Case for Liberty
Finally, the Declaration isn’t just a political document—it’s a moral one. Jefferson appealed to the “Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God” to justify America’s independence. This wasn’t relativism. It was a belief in objective truth—that liberty is not just preferable, but right.
Liberty is not the absence of restraint. It is the space to live out one's purpose without tyranny. It’s moral because it assumes responsibility. Freedom without virtue leads to chaos. But freedom rightly ordered—rooted in eternal truths—builds civilizations.
Our culture no longer defends liberty as a moral good. It often sees liberty as a threat to equality or safety. But the Founders believed the exact opposite: that liberty is the precondition of both. Without it, there is no justice, no dignity, and no future.
Where We Go from Here
This isn’t just a history lesson. It’s a call to remember what we’re supposed to be. The Declaration laid the moral groundwork for the entire American project. If we don’t reclaim those first principles—natural rights, consent of the governed, and the moral case for liberty—then the documents that followed will mean little.
In the next post, we’ll explore the Constitution itself—and why structure was seen as the only way to preserve freedom from the very start.
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